Download e-book for iPad: América Latina. La construcción del orden, Tomo 2 by Waldo Ansaldi

By Waldo Ansaldi

Este libro analiza los procesos históricos desde una perspectiva política, indaga el pasado desde los imperativos del presente, de cara al futuro, y pretende contribuir a los angeles recuperación de los angeles práctica política por parte de las mujeres y los hombres explotados y dominados. Recuperar los angeles política –confiscada por el neoliberalismo, es asumirla como voluntad organizada de una comunidad, orientada a l. a. conservación o transformación de los angeles sociedad, es decir, como ámbito de libertad por excelencia, desde el cual decidimos seguir viviendo como lo hacemos o luchar por cambiar las condiciones en las cuales existimos. En ese sentido, l. a. política es un componente primary de todo proyecto emancipador. Y hoy, una estrategia genuinamente emancipadora debería perseguir los angeles abolición de cualquier clase de dominación de unos hombres y mujeres sobre otros hombres y mujeres. América Latina. los angeles construcción del orden, integrado por dos volúmenes, constituye una obra polifónica porque los autores están convencidos de que l. a. pluralidad de voces –de distintas vertientes teóricas, puede ofrecer, sin ortodoxia alguna, una mayor capacidad explicativa de un largo, tortuoso y conflictivo proceso sociohistórico. los angeles historia que construyen hoy las sociedades latinoamericanas requiere un avance y profundización en su conocimiento desde l. a. pluralidad, necesaria para afirmar el camino de l. a. integración, en specific l. a. de los pueblos. En este sentido, el objetivo de esta obra es que, al concluir su lectura, los lectores sepan más sobre América Latina y, sobre todo, quieran saber más y pensar América Latina, buscando las claves necesarias para analizar l. a. realidad pasada y presente, con vistas al futuro.

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7 Two important points emerge from these often convoluted, sometimes dramatic, personal histories. First, whatever their ideological roots, from the beginning all these left currents of the PT agreed on the absolute primacy of democratic struggle. This was a natural consequence of the defeat of the Cuban guerrilla model and the rise of mass democratic struggles against the military dictatorship – democratic struggles that were being led by the other two main components in the PT’s formation, the trade unionists around Lula and the radical Catholic Church.

People get to live with more dignity. They get more access to food, to education, basic sanitation, and decent streets, all through the PB. If this is an example for the rest of the world, so be it. Let them come to Porto Alegre. JOSE: Of course our state of Rio Grande do Sul was already a reference point for democratic movements in the past. Before the military dictatorship, this was the strongest base for the popular movement, throughout the early 1960s and right up until the military coup came to put a stop to all that in 1964.

This debate has never been had out in the PT. Why? Because there are sectors of the PT who think that really is what the PB is for: greater transparency, more efficient investments and a little bit of social justice thrown in for good measure. They don’t go any further than that. There are other sectors that put more emphasis on promoting social justice and a strong sense of citizenship. That’s certainly important, but the PB has to be more than that. For example, Santo Andre, one of the industrial suburbs of São Paulo, has a participatory budget.

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