By Dr. Philippe R. Girard (auth.)
The ebook makes a speciality of Aristide's political occupation, emphasizing his strategizing, compromising and working with the Clinton management. In his presentation of the clash, Girard rigorously balances Aristide's and Clinton's wishes, and the calls for and ethical positions the leaders make opposed to one another - the result's that every chief and his constituency involves existence, and their maneuverings and judgements turn into attractive and significant. whereas Girard makes a speciality of the clash itself and the international coverage dynamics at play among Haiti and the USA, he additionally paints a compelling photograph of up to date Haiti and delineates with nice readability the tensions which ended in fresh violence and the deposition of Aristide.
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The ebook specializes in Aristide's political occupation, emphasizing his strategizing, compromising and working with the Clinton management. In his presentation of the clash, Girard conscientiously balances Aristide's and Clinton's wishes, and the calls for and ethical positions the leaders make opposed to one another - the result's that every chief and his constituency involves existence, and their maneuverings and judgements develop into attractive and significant.
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Additional info for Clinton in Haiti: The 1994 U.S. Invasion of Haiti
Carter’s presidency, to promote human rights. After democratic regimes took over in most of Latin America during the 1980s, the OAS’ Santiago declaration (June 1991) expressed the organization’s commitment to preserving democracy in the Americas. S. foreign policymakers’ constant rhetorical celebration of democracy has left scholars divided. S. S. S. S. S. intervention in Haiti. 5 And yet, the administration’s avoidance of democratic procedures when they proved impractical, as well as Aristide’s less-than-perfect record as Haiti’s first “democratic” president, suggest that democracy was, at best, one factor among others, and, at worst, a mere rhetorical device used to “sell” the invasion to domestic and international audiences.
To eliminate witnesses, soldiers finished off the wounded in hospitals and dumped bodies in mass graves at Ti Tanyen, 10 miles north of the capital. They threatened, or killed, those who asked for the corpses of their deceased relatives. They also killed radio journalist Jacques Gary Simeon. Repression became more overt in later years, as the junta convinced itself that it would remain in power, and proved fatal to such prominent Aristide friends as Antoine Izméry (11 September 1993), Guy Malary (13 October 1993), and Jean-Marie Vincent (28 August 1994).
Third, democracy’s progress over the previous decade had left Haiti as one of only two dictatorships in the Western Hemisphere (the other was Cuba). Fourth, democratic governments were more reliable economic and political partners. Just four years ago, the Haitian people held the first free and fair elections since their independence. . But eight months later, Haitian dreams of democracy became a nightmare of bloodshed. . No American should be surprised that the recent tide of migrants seeking refuge on our shores comes from Haiti and Cuba.